Chhabed Sathee
In response to the brutal killing of a scrap dealer in the Mitford area, a legal adviser has said the case will be tried in a speedy trial tribunal. Whether the murder stemmed from a business dispute or extortion demands remains unclear. But regardless of the motive, the perpetrators must receive the harshest possible punishment. If justice is not served for the unprecedented savagery of this killing in the heart of the capital, the public’s sense of insecurity will only deepen.
Despite the murder taking place in broad daylight and in front of many people, no one intervened to stop it. When people refrain from stepping in even after witnessing such a horrific crime, it’s a sign they feel helpless. Perhaps this is what Rabindranath Tagore referred to as “the unchecked crime of the powerful.” Unfortunately, even under a government that came to power through a mass uprising, ordinary citizens remain hostage to fear. Eyewitnesses are reluctant to describe the incident.
Some individuals from three affiliate organizations of the main opposition party, the BNP, have been implicated in the incident. The party has expelled four of them for life. Police have stated they will act without regard to party affiliation—which is as it should be. Even if political parties fail to act, the administration must act independently. In the past, political circles have tried to cover up the truth in similar incidents. Investigations have gone astray. That should not happen in the current circumstances. But with an interim government supported by all major political parties, it is happening again.
It is also urgent to question how much progress has been made in investigating other crimes committed under the current regime. At the same time, a BNP activist was brutally murdered in Khulna. Though he had been expelled from the party, his murder cannot be taken lightly. The police certainly must not do so. Still, it’s known that the police have struggled in the aftermath of the uprising. A year has passed, yet the government has failed to activate the force effectively. The morale of the police remains low, and attacks on them continue. No single group is responsible—those who wield power locally are the ones perpetrating these acts.
In this situation, when a political party takes action against its own rogue members, it makes the job of law enforcement easier. If all political groups adopt such a stance, crime should begin to decline. However, we are not seeing such unity when it comes to opposing mob violence. There’s little doubt that mobs have grown bolder as the police have lost morale after the uprising. In this context, a strong stance against mob violence from all parties is necessary, alongside firm action from the government. If the government had acted decisively against mobs from the outset, it’s doubtful that an incident like Mitford would have occurred. The military has been deployed for law and order from the beginning, but it too is accused of insufficient activity. No adequate explanation has been given for this.
The government’s failure to reinvigorate the police after a whole year is undoubtedly a serious shortcoming. There has also been no progress on implementing the recommendations of the Police Reform Commission. There were even demands to dissolve the elite force. The government, however, remains vague in its statements on these issues. Though the interim government is not reluctant to reform—some even call it “overenthusiastic”—it still hasn’t taken visible steps to make law enforcement effective. Meanwhile, the peace and order situation continues to deteriorate. In the Global Peace Index, Bangladesh has slipped 33 spots in a year.
After the mass uprising, a breakdown in law and order has been evident. This is typical after the collapse of an entrenched system. In Bangladesh, 15 and a half years of authoritarian rule ended in a bloody mass uprising. In its wake, the police—particularly—have suffered an unprecedented collapse. The general administration, too, is far less active. Even the forces that led the uprising are not acting responsibly. Some youth and student leaders involved in the uprising now face allegations of misconduct. There are also numerous claims of inciting mobs. All sides—administration, state, and society—stand accused of exerting improper influence. Extortion has become rampant even at the grassroots level.
Though power changed hands in the election, the extortion networks remain; only the actors have changed. With one faction effectively fleeing after the uprising, new extortionists have emerged unhindered. Reports indicate that “extortion rates” have even increased. When settlements are reached in secret, the public rarely gets to know about large-scale extortion. Merchants in Old Dhaka have recently held meetings and spoken of planned robberies disguised as cargo transport. Soon after, the Mitford murder occurred. Reports suggest that in this case too, there had been attempts at secret settlements by reducing extortion demands.
Brutal killings are often intended to create fear. Even psychologically unstable criminals commit such acts. In such cases, it is essential to show quick progress through speedy trials and to widely publicize the punishment of perpetrators. This can boost public confidence and encourage people to stand up against crime. But to curb both minor and major crimes, the government must take initiative.
Around the same time, a disturbing report from Chandpur emerged: a man attempted to kill the imam of a mosque because he disagreed with the religious sermon. Such intolerance, though not new, cannot be dismissed lightly. This kind of religiously motivated violence must be treated more seriously than typical political crimes—not only for public safety but also for the nation’s image.
The brutal murder in Mitford has placed political pressure on the BNP, which seeks power. The party’s leadership is not indifferent to its rogue faction. It has taken action against thousands of its accused activists. Still, the Mitford incident shows more effective steps are needed. They may need to take unprecedented measures. Those who fail to oppose mob violence must also experience a shift in awareness. The peace-loving people of this country will not tolerate such lawlessness in the post-uprising era.
The interim government, too, must take strong steps to curb anarchy. There have been long-standing calls for stronger deployment of the military. Even the army chief has stated that mob violence will not be tolerated. If mob rule can be eliminated, it would be much easier to suppress other crimes. Left unchecked, one form of crime provides cover for another. It should not be difficult for the interim government to reject any leniency toward criminal elements from any quarter.
In the past, we’ve seen rapid improvements in public safety under caretaker governments. Even if delayed, such progress is necessary now. Because it is this government that must conduct elections in a stable environment and transition the country back to democracy. Without meaningful steps in that direction, it would be no mistake to say that all types of criminals are becoming increasingly reckless.
Chhabed Sathee: U.S based writer, journalist and American political analyst
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