Bangla Press Desk: Just one week remains until the anniversary of the student and public uprising. Over the past year, the political landscape of the country has undergone significant changes. Against this backdrop, Salahuddin Ahmed, a member of the BNP’s National Standing Committee, spoke in an exclusive interview about the upcoming elections, state reforms, and various political issues. The interview was conducted by Hasan Hafiz, Editor of Kaler Kantho and President of the National Press Club, with special correspondent Hasan Shiplu also present.
Q: There are conspiracies underway to topple the caretaker government. National unity is needed to counter these plots, but divisions are visible among the parties. What do you think?
A: There are attempts to create divisions among democratic forces. It is true that national unity has been somewhat damaged, but we must maintain an anti-fascist unity. Our platform will be one—called the People’s Unity (Gono Oikko). This unity must oppose fascism. There is no alternative to this for the nation.
Q: The BNP has promised to form a unity government if it comes to power. But with divisions among anti-fascist parties, is such a government possible?
A: We have promised to form a national unity government in coordination with those with whom we conducted simultaneous anti-fascist movements. Political parties use different strategies before elections; this is not division among democratic forces but part of democratic politics. We may express various views publicly, but we will unite for the sake of democracy and state sovereignty. For example, after the airplane crash at Milestone College in Uttara, despite attempts to create instability, the anti-fascist unity prevailed. The Chief Adviser called everyone, and all cooperated with the government. I do not see any real division—what exists is a political strategy ahead of elections.
Q: From the student movements of 1952 to the 2024 mass uprising, many student-led protests occurred, but this is the first time that leaders of such a movement have become part of government. How do you assess this?
A: Running a government requires prudence, experience, foresight, and detailed knowledge of state functioning. Entrusting ministry management to those who have not yet graduated university is unwise. The state is not a playground for children.
A: The circumstances of my disappearance and being trafficked to another country are clear to all. I fought legal battles there for eight years. After being acquitted in a lower court in Shillong, the government appealed, and I fought for another four years. Questions have been raised about why I delayed filing at the international tribunal—this was due to political commitments and time needed to gather evidence. However, I believe proper investigation can deliver justice.
Q: You mentioned politicians have not learned from history. Does this mean political parties have not learned from the July mass uprising?
A: The spirit of August 5th must be embraced in our hearts. Like the Liberation War spirit, the July mass uprising spirit should not be exploited for political gain. But some are trying to use the student uprising’s spirit as a political tactic, which is unacceptable. We believe there is still much to learn.
Q: How do you view the rise of Islamist parties after August 5?
A: There is endless division among religious parties. These parties try to form alliances with other political groups, but I do not believe all Islamic parties will unite because their ideological differences are too great. Even if they share a platform, another will form soon after. That religious parties have started forming alliances for elections is not unusual and does not worry me. But globally, it is very rare for such parties to succeed in gaining state power.
Q: Several parties want proportional representation (PR) for the lower and upper houses of parliament. What is your party’s current position?
A: There has been no discussion on PR in the lower house; it is not on the consensus commission’s agenda. PR has been discussed for the upper house. Questions arise about whether Bangladesh needs an upper house, as it is a unitary state without provinces. Upper houses usually exist in federal systems, which Bangladesh is not. The BNP’s 31-point program suggests an upper house to include representatives of different classes and notable citizens, which would benefit nation-building. But we did not propose legislative or constitutional amendment powers for the upper house.
