The 7th November Revolution and the Post-Revolution Zia-Bhashani
— M. Golam Mostafa Bhuiyan —
In the national history of Bangladesh, November 7—observed as 'National Revolution and Solidarity Day'—undoubtedly marks a significant chapter. On this day in 1975, a joint uprising by soldiers and the public thwarted a conspiracy aimed at undermining the nation's independence and sovereignty, thereby safeguarding Bangladesh from the encroachment of hegemonic and imperialist forces. Standing shoulder to shoulder, the soldiers and the people secured the release of the then-Army Chief—and the man who proclaimed the nation's independence—Major General Ziaur Rahman, from his confinement within the Dhaka Cantonment. To commemorate this historic uprising, the nation observes November 7 each year as 'National Revolution and Solidarity Day.' Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani—a leader of the oppressed and a visionary behind the dream of an independent Bangladesh—was a pivotal political figure in the context of this revolution, and his role warrants careful examination. Although he was not directly involved in the events of that day in the same manner as Ziaur Rahman, the principles and ideals he championed throughout his long political career and struggle profoundly influenced the spirit of November 7. Maulana Bhasani consistently prioritized the national interest above personal gain; in this sense, his ideals are intrinsically linked to the spirit of November 7. Political analysts suggest that Maulana Bhasani’s ideals subsequently influenced the political trajectory of Ziaur Rahman.
On December 16, 1971, following a bloody nine-month-long liberation war, an independent and sovereign Bangladesh emerged on the world map. The red-and-green flag was won at the cost of the lives of hundreds of thousands of martyrs and the honor of countless women. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned to his homeland on January 10, 1972; twelve days later, on January 22, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani—the leader of the oppressed and a visionary of independent Bangladesh—also returned to his native soil. Following independence, while the entire nation had hoped for the formation of a national government, what emerged instead was a government controlled exclusively by the Awami League. Following the formation of the government, a series of misguided decisions led to widespread anarchy across the country, triggering harsh criticism of the administration. This caused the relationship between the government and its critics to turn bitter; the critics were branded as enemies of the ruling party and labeled as traitors.
Although the government included men of integrity and self-sacrifice—such as Abu Sayeed Chowdhury and General M. A. G. Osmani—certain leaders within the administration fostered an environment where, in the immediate aftermath of independence, anti-social and anti-state activities became rampant—developments that deeply pained and disturbed any person of conscience. Against this backdrop, Maulana Bhashani also began to level sharp criticism at the government. Meanwhile, the constitution for the newly independent state was drafted. The government saw no need to consult other political parties during this process, which fueled resentment across the entire political spectrum—even among those who had previously supported the government.
On October 29, 1972, senior leaders of the pro-government NAP (Muzaffar)—including Pir Habibur Rahman, Pankaj Bhattacharya, Matia Chowdhury, Abdul Halim, and Suranjit Sengupta—stated in a pamphlet: “...It is a matter of profound regret and dismay that the ruling party has displayed an extreme, narrow-minded, one-party attitude in drafting the constitution—a sacred document for the nation. They showed no regard for public opinion, made no effort to gauge the will of the people, and completely ignored the views and counsel of the patriotic political parties that had participated in the struggle for independence.” That same day, at a rally held by NAP (Muzaffar) at Paltan Maidan, a resounding demand was raised: “The Prime Minister’s excessive, unreasonable powers must be curtailed, and the Parliament must be made sovereign.” Shortly after the constitution was finalized, the government dissolved the Constituent Assembly—which had been elected in 1970—and announced that a general election would be held on March 7, 1973. In addition to the Awami League, which contested all 300 seats, several other parties participated in the election: NAP (Bhashani) in 170 seats, NAP (Muzaffar) in 224, the newly formed JSD in 237, the Bangladesh Jatiya League (led by Ataur Rahman Khan), the Bangla Jatiya League (led by Oli Ahad), the Sramik Krishak Samajbadi Dal, the Communist Party of Bengal, and the Communist Party of Bangladesh (which contested 4 seats). The ruling party became alarmed by the widespread popularity of the opposition parties and the anti-government rhetoric of the oppressed people’s leader, Maulana Bhashani. On the day nominations were filed, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (in 2 constituencies), along with Sohrab Hossain, Tofail Ahmed, Motahar Uddin, and K.M. Obaidur Rahman, were declared elected unopposed. By the final deadline for the withdrawal of nominations, it emerged that Syed Nazrul Islam, A.H.M. Kamruzzaman, Manoranjan Dhar, Zillur Rahman, and Rafiquddin Bhuiyan had also been elected unopposed. Like the leaders of other parties, Maulana Bhashani strongly criticized these developments. This trend of candidates being elected unopposed also drew harsh criticism in the Indian press. Following the death of one candidate, the election was held for 299 seats; the Awami League won all but 7 of them, through extensive electoral fraud.
As opposition parties raised allegations of rigging, the Prime Minister remarked at a press conference, "There is no opposition party in Bangladesh." On March 8, at a press conference, Dr. Alim Al Razi, Senior Vice-President of NAP (Bhashani), stated, "The election was neither free nor fair; it took place amidst terror and intimidation." In a joint statement, Professor Muzaffar Ahmed and Pankaj Bhattacharya noted, "The opposition had a strong chance of winning at least 70 seats." They described the election as a "farce." The National Parliament was thus established without any opposition representation. Consequently, the Awami League’s one-party rule was consolidated across the country, leading to extreme instability within both society and the state.
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